Mr. President,
Please accept my most sincere congratulations on your election to the office of
President of the 49th General Assembly. Let me also thank the outgoing President;
Ambassador Insanally displayed exceptional diplomatic skills in managing the
business of the General Assembly this past year. I wish to welcome the delegation
of South Africa which has joined us after an absence of many years. We have been
following developments in that country with particular attention and are delighted
with the remarkable progress it has chalked up. Restoring South Africa's full
membership further augments the universality of the UN; something we all favour.
Mr. President,
The Czech Republic takes very seriously the responsibility it shares for the
maintenance of international peace and security. This is reflected, on the one hand,
in our participation in UN operations in the former Yugoslavia, Mozambique, Liberia
and Iraq, and, on the other hand, in our aspirations to become a member of Atlantic
and European security organizations, NATO and the Western European Union. This
is why we have also joined the Partnership for Peace: one of its priorities is the
coordination and cooperation of its participants for peace-keeping missions. The
Czech Republic also participates in humanitarian assistance to stricken countries as
best it can. We are fast approaching the time when we will be able to provide direct
economic development assistance as well.
Mr. President,
The active part the Czech Republic tries to play in the Security Council stems
from our belief that we were elected to serve. To serve not our particular interests,
but to serve certain fundamental principles, irrespective of where in the world they
may be imperiled.
The Security Council has in recent months dealt with several truly extraordinary
situations. Let me examine some of them.
As tor the crisis in the former Yugoslavia, reaching a political settlement is a key
objective of world diplomacy. UNPROFOR has been a critical element in managing
this problem, and my country is proud of having a mechanized batailion integrated in
this force.
Belgrade, in accepting the Contact Group plan, has taken a helpful step towards
an overall solution of the area's problems. We have also welcomed Belgrade's
closing of the border with Pale. In response, the Security Council reevaluated the
extent of sanctions imposed on Belgrade, hoping that its change of attitude turns out
to be serious and lasting. We will, nevertheless, be carefully examining reports of
international monitors on how strictly Belgrade keeps its international border with the
Republic of Bosnia and Hercegovina sealed.
Mutual recognition of the states of the former Yugoslavia, within their
internationally recognized borders, is the next most important possible step, one
important for all countries of the region.
Mr. President,
We are closely following the operations of the CIS forces, and its cooperation
with the United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia (UNOMIG).
The case of Georgia is viewed by some observers as paradigmatic: this was the
first time that a peace-keeping operation, UNOMIG, included forces of a power of
the region. It was also the first time the Security Council actually welcomed the use
of a force dominated by such a power, the CIS force, in solving a local conflict.
According to this view, UNOMIG-CIS cooperation in Georgia might perhaps serve as
a model for resolving certain other conflicts elsewhere in the CIS. The Czech
Republic, however, strongly believes that each peace-keeping operation is sui generis . Each conflict is different, and each operation therefore has to be evaluated
on its own merits.
Mr President,
Your continent, Africa, has this year seen some of the greatest tragedies to befall
mankind since World War II. The scope and ferocity of the genocide in Rwanda is
hard to comprehend. It is outside the envelope of anything that can be considered a
"mere" civil war, and we are hard pressed to find any parallel to it. We welcome the
conciliatory attitude of the new Rwandan Government.
The US-led multinational force in Haiti has raised many hopes during the initial
phase of its operations. Its difficuit task will be to curb and, better yet, prevent
violence in a society that has seldom known any other way of solving political
differences.
Mr. President,
The Middle East is happily moving toward peace and we congratulate the leaders
of Israel, Palestine, Jordan and others who have amply demonstrated that even the
world's most intractable problems can be solved.
In some circumstances the UN has played a gallant and unique role in the
region. The liberation of Kuwait was one example of this role. Since the Gulf War, we have insisted
on Iraq fulfilling all relevant resolutions of the Security Council. We have great
appreciation for the work of UNSCOM, and have taken serious note of a number of
measures Iraq has undertaken to meet Security Council resolutions concerning
weapons of mass destruction. We are still, however, looking for a declaration by
appropriate Iraqi authorities which would recognize the independence, sovereignty
and territorial integrity of Kuwait, in its internationally respected borders.
Mr. President,
Even this review suggests that a large portion of the Security Council's agenda
has to do with peace-keeping operations, PKO's. Following the end of the Cold War,
their number increased dramatically, with rocketing costs. This progression could not have continued unchecked. Exercising restraint in authorizing new PKO's
is the first condition for putting the whole system on a sound footing. In
peace-keeping, as in every other aspect of its operations, the UN must live within its
means.
There are of course two financial flows which determine the UN's means. On the
one hand, the outflow: a function of how troubled our world is, and which of its
troubles do we choose to tackle. On the other hand, the inflow: a function of equity
in allocating the financial burden, and of members' discipline in shouldering it.
Only a few operations come to mind as having been largely successful. Let me
take a closer look at one of these - ONUMOZ In Mozambique.
We see the following success factors involved in the ONUMOZ operation: a well-
crafted peace plan; a realistic mandate for the UN force; the politicians concerned
putting interests of their country above all else; tenacity of UN personnel in carrying
out their mandate; and the operation's timing - one wonders whether today, the
necessary troops could even be assembled.
By contrast, Mr. President, a number of PKO's are struggling. Angola's peace
plan for example was probably not crafted quite well enough: post-election fighting is
a consequence of the antagonists keeping their armies intact. In Somalia, the
factions do not seem to agree that there ever was a peace plan in the first place.
This is perhaps the case in Liberia as well. In the former Yugoslavia, the strength of
UNPROFOR troops is in many ways incommensurate with their mandate.
We then have to draw the necessary lessons.
Examining the key success factors of successful operations and trying to ensure
that they are present in every PKO is very important. But the main lesson is this: the
UN is not a panacea for all of the world's ills. The Security Council is often sought
out by "clients" who cannot agree on anything among themselves. But we have to
insist on one principle: in general, it is the people and the leaders of a country who
themselves have to demonstrate a readiness to tackle their problems before the UN
can come in and assist.
Enough gerneralizations about the outflows. On the other hand, the
UN faces a terrible crisis of inflow.
A radical reform of the existing system of financing is needed to overcome the
crisis of peace-keeping financing. We strongly support the idea of replacing the
existing arbitrary mechanism with a system based on standard, objective and
quantifiable criteria. We also support the idea of establishing an independent body
to study the principle of countries' capacities to pay. This should become the
fundamental criterion for determining the scale of assessments.
The Czech Republic meets its financial obligations toward the UN in full and on
time. It has also covered an appropriate share of obligations of the former
Czechoslovakia. My country has not, however, been assessed yet for
peace-keeping operations, pending determination of which group it should be placed
in. This matter should be settled in the context of agreeing to objective criteria for
making these determinations in general.
Mr. President,
The increased number of PKO's has increased the dangers faced by their
personnel. We therefore consider it particularly important to finish work on the
Convention on Responsibility for Attacks against UN Personnel as soon as possible.
Last year, we acutely felt the need for greater responsiveness of the Security
Council to UN members at large. This need continues, but some small progress has
been attained. Meetings of Security Council members with troop-contributing
countries of major PKO's have become more frequent, perhaps even routine.
Mr. President,
Improved cooperation between the UN and regional organizations would no
doubt improve the efficiency of both in dealing with international crises. We are
particularly interested in further strengthening UN's cooperation with the CSCE, but
also with NATO. This is why last January, during our Presidency of the Security
Council we suggested the possibility of a UN seminar with regional organizations.
Understanding full well that they all have different charters, characters and qualities,
we still feel that a continuing exchange of experiences can enrich the entire
international system of muitilateral diplomacy. We commend the Secretary General
for organizing the first meeting along these lines earlier this year.
Mr. President,
The future shape of the Security Council is one of the most important questions
this General Assembly session will deal with. The effort exerted to date is reflected
in the report of Ambassador Insanally, Chairman of the ad hoc working group. The
basic role of the Security Council, maintenance of international peace and security,
determines its unique position. There is no question about a need for it or about its
impact on international affairs. This exceptional position of the Council should be
maintained.
Efforts to improve its functioning are thus informed by other considerations: it has
to win greater confidence of Member States. Even after it is reformed, the Council
will have to remain rather small, to maintain its efficiency. If its work improves, it
should not be because of increased size or expanded responsibilities, but because of
its enhanced authority.
Those countries should be considered for new permanent membership which
have the economic, political and military potential to contribute to the maintenance
of global security, which are prepared to assume the responsibilities implied by
permanent membership, and are ready to actively participate in the implemantation
of Security Council decisions. The key factor, in our view, is the global influence of
candidates. The principle of unanimity and its obverse, that is, veto power,
expressed in 1945 the fundamental responsibility of great powers for maintaining
world peace. Since the dissolution of the bi-polar world, this responsibility has, if anything, further increased. We therefore favour maintaining the unanimity principle.
Mr. President,
We are delighted that our last General Assembly session resulted in the creation
of the post of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and congratulate
Ambassador Ayala-Lasso on having been appointed to it. Even during his very first
few months in office he has demonstrated its usefulness. We have no doubt that this
Assembly will follow through with the implementation of additional recommendations
of the 1993 Vienna Human Rights Conference.
Mr. President,
The danger of nuclear proliferation has not disappeared: ongoing discussions
with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea are one example that proves this
point. We support an indefinite and unconditional extension of the Non-Proliferation
Treaty, and will advocate this position at the Fifth NPT Review Conference next
year. We support an increased role for the International Atomic Energy Agency in
verifying how the NPT is being adhered to.
We favour accelerating the work on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. We
share the view that the production of fissionable material for nuclear weapons and of
nuclear explosive devices should be banned. We support maintaining a moratorium
on nulcear tests, and an agreement on banning all such tests, as well as further
negotiations on limiting nuclear arsenals and on necessary measures to prevent
illicit trafficking in nuclear material.
Mr. President,
A small world full of problems, with almost 50 years of global peace but replete
with local wars. Abundance side by side with poverty. Success in South Africa,
progress in the Middle East, but a Bosnia and a Rwanda torn asunder. All this, and
much more, is characteristic for today's world and is reflected in today's United
Nations. Our fervent hope, Mr, President, is that when leaders of the world meet
here next year, they will be celebrating 50 years of an organization that will have
become even more successful, in a world that will be much closer to overall peace,
prosperity and democracy.
Thank you, Mr. President.